Showing posts with label 4th Amendment. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 4th Amendment. Show all posts

Wednesday, September 14, 2011

osama laughed - Rise of the State: Shock and Awe: Racially profiled and cuffed in Detroit


Some real Shock and Awe: Racially profiled and cuffed in Detroit

Silly me. I thought flying on 9/11 would be easy. I figured most people would choose not to fly that day so lines would be short, planes would be lightly filled and though security might be ratcheted up, we’d all feel safer knowing we had come a long way since that dreadful Tuesday morning 10 years ago.
But then armed officers stormed my plane, threw me in handcuffs and locked me up.
My flight from Denver landed in Detroit on time.   I sent a text message to my husband to let him know we had landed and I would be home by dinner.   The plane stopped on the tarmac, seemingly waiting to have the gate cleared. We waited. I played on my phone, checking Facebook, scrolling through my Twitter feed.   After a while of sitting there, I decided to call my husband to tell him the plane was being delayed and I would call him when I got off the plane.
Just as I hung up the phone, the captain came over the loudspeaker and announced that the airport authorities wanted to move the airplane to a different part of the airport.   Must be a blocked gate or something, I thought.   But then he said:  Everyone remain in your seats or there will be consequences.   Sounded serious.   I looked out the window and saw a squadron of police cars following the plane, lights flashing.   I turned to my neighbor, who happened to be an Indian man, in wonderment.   What is going on?   Others on the plane were remarking at the police as well.   Getting a little uneasy, I decided the best thing for me to do was to tweet about the experience.   If the plane was going to blow up, at least there’d be some record on my part.
Stuck on a plane at Detroit airport…cops everywhere
Soon the plane was stopping in some remote part of the airport, far from any buildings, and out the window I see more police cars coming to surround the plane.   Maybe there’s a fugitive on the plane, I say to my neighbor, who is also texting and now shooting some photos of the scene outside.   He asks me to take a few, as I have a better angle from my window seat.   A few dozen uniformed and plainclothes officers are huddled off the side of the plane.   I don’t see any guns, and it isn’t clear what’s going on.
So I continued to tweet:
A little concerned about this situation. Plane moved away from terminal surrounded by cops.   Crew is mum.   Passengers can’t get up.
Then what looked like the bomb squad pulled up.   Two police vans and a police communication center bus parked off the road.   I started to get nervous and rethink my decision to fly on 9/11.
Cops in uniform and plainclothes in a huddle in rear of plane.
We had been waiting on the plane for a half hour.   I had to pee.   I wanted to get home and see my family. And I wanted someone to tell us what was going on.   In the distance, a van with stairs came closer.   I sighed with relief, thinking we were going to get off the plane and get shuttled back to the terminal.   I would still be able to make it home for dinner.   Others on the plane also seemed happy to see those stairs coming our way.
I see stairs coming our way…yay!
Before I knew it, about 10 cops, some in what looked like military fatigues, were running toward the plane carrying the biggest machine guns I have ever seen – bigger than what the guards carry at French train stations.
My last tweet:
Majorly armed cops coming aboard
Someone shouted for us to place our hands on the seats in front of us, heads down.   The cops ran down the aisle,  stopped at my row and yelled at the three of us to get up.   “Can I bring my phone?”   I asked, of course.   What a cliffhanger for my Twitter followers!   No, one of the cops said, grabbing my arm a little harder than I would have liked.   He slapped metal cuffs on my wrists and pushed me off the plane.   The three of us, two Indian men living in the Detroit metro area, and me, a half-Arab, half-Jewish housewife living in suburban Ohio, were being detained.
The cops brought us to a parked squad car next to the plane, had us spread  our legs and arms.   Mine asked me if I was wearing any explosives.   “No,” I said, holding my tongue to not let out a snarky response.   I wasn’t sure what I could and could not say, and all that came out was “What’s going on?”
No one would answer me.   They  put me in the back of the car.   It’s a plastic seat, for all you out there who have never been tossed into the back of a police car.   It’s hard, it’s hot, and it’s humiliating.   The Indian man who had sat next to me on the plane was already in the backseat.   I turned to him, shocked, and asked him if he knew what was going on.   I asked him if he knew the other man that had been in our row, and he said he had just met him.   I said, it’s because of what we look like.   They’re doing this because of what we look like.   And I couldn’t believe that I was being arrested and taken away.
When the Patriot Act was passed after 9/11 and Arabs and Arab-looking people were being harassed all over the country, my Saudi Arabian dad became nervous.   A bit of a conspiracy theorist at heart, he knew the government was watching him and at any time could come and take him away.   It was happening all over.   Men were being taken on suspicion of terrorist activities and held and questioned – sometimes abused – for long periods of time.   Our country had a civil rights issue on its hands.   And, in the name of patriotism we lost a lot of our liberty, especially those who look like me.
I never had any run-ins with the law.   Since 9/11, though I felt a heightened sense of how my appearance would affect my travel plans, I never had any concrete reason to think I would be targeted.   I passed through security without excessive searching (except that one time they thought they saw a pocket knife in my husband’s backpack, which they couldn’t find anyway even though it was there.)   Because I am my father’s daughter I am aware of the possibility of anti-Arab and anti-Semitic sentiments that have increased dramatically, but luckily  no members of my family nor myself have had to endure what so many others have gone through in this country and throughout the world.   As Americans we are scared and horrified by acts of terror.   But I am not sure that what we are doing to dissuade and protect are working.
We arrived at an offsite building and remained in the squad car for a few minutes.   The Indian man was taken out of the car first, and an officer stood at the door to make sure I didn’t go anywhere.   I asked him several times what was going on and he wouldn’t answer me. It was like I was invisible. I felt so helpless and shocked. I was being treated like a criminal.
Then it was my turn. I got out of the car and was led, still cuffed, to a cell. “Are you serious?” I asked the officer, and he said yes. The heavy metal door was shut and locked behind me. Again, I asked what was going on and why was I here.   Finally he said, they will let you know later.   They are going to ask you some questions.
I sat down on the metal cot that hung off the wall.   It had a thin, green vinyl mattress – mattress is a generous term – that offered no comfort.   It was about a 6-by-10 cell, the concrete walls were painted a light yellow but were streaked with black dirt.   The floor was some sort of stainless steel, and a stainless steel toilet that has probably never seen the good side of a scrubbing brush, instructed me to keep holding my stretched bladder as long as I could.   Near the ceiling above the toilet there was a video camera.
A plainclothes officer stood came to my door and asked me if I spoke English.   Something in me snapped at that question.   Of course I spoke English I’m an American citizen, you asshole!   Well, I left the expletive out.   “Ok,” he said and stood watch outside my door saying he wanted to make sure I didn’t “flush anything.”   He also wouldn’t tell me what was going on.
As I sat and waited, quietly contemplating my situation, the other Indian man was getting questioned in the main room outside.   I couldn’t see what was going on, but I could hear a bit.   They asked him where he was from, did he have any family, where were his shoes.   He talked quietly and agreeably.   I wondered if he was as incensed as I was or if he had entered this country expecting harassment from the American authorities.
They took him to another room, and I heard an officer tell him to remove his clothes.   He was going to be searched.   I could not fully grasp what was happening.   I stared at the yellow walls and listened to a few officers talk about the overtime they were racking up, and I decided that I hated country music.   I hated speedboats and shitty beer in coozies and fat bellies and rednecks.   I thought about Abu Ghraib and the horror to which those prisoners were exposed.   I thought about my dad and his prescience.  I was glad he wasn’t alive to know about what was happening to me.   I thought about my kids, and what would have happened if they had been there when I got taken away.   I contemplated never flying again.   I thought about the incredible waste of taxpayer dollars in conducting an operation like this.   I wondered what my rights were, if I had any at all.   Mostly, I could not believe I was sitting in some jail cell in some cold, undisclosed building surrounded by “the authorities.”
I heard the officers discuss my impending strip search.   They needed to bring in a female officer.   At least they were following protocol, or something to that nature.   Still, could this really be happening?
Eventually a female uniformed officer came in.   She looked like a fat Jada Pinkett Smith, and in a kind but firm voice explained what was going to happen.   I was to stand, face the wall in a position so the camera above the toilet couldn’t see, and take off my clothes.   I complied.   She commented on my tattoo, saying, “Oh you have one of those things – good and evil, right?”
“Yin and yang.   Balance,” I said, grabbing my clothes to redress.
“You understand why we have to do this, right?   It’s for our own protection,” she told me.
Because I am so violent.   And pulling me off an airplane, handcuffing me and patting me down against a squad car didn’t offer enough protection.   They also needed to make sure all my orifices were free and clear.
She apologized for having to do the strip search, and I asked her to tell me what was going on.   She said she didn’t know but someone would come and talk to me.   She put my handcuffs back on and left.   The other officer stood guard outside.   I told him I needed to call my husband.   He said I could use the phone later.
As I sat in my cell trying not to think about my full bladder, they brought another man in.   I wondered if he had been on the plane as well.   Were they going to bring everyone in or had they just singled us out?   He spoke belligerently, and I couldn’t understand much of what he was saying.   But I did hear two officers talking about the man who stole a $3,000 watch at the security checkpoint.   Now there’s a real crime.   What was I doing here?
I had no idea how much time had passed.   It was about 4:00 when I sent my last tweet on the plane.   I couldn’t tell if it was day or night.   I was tired, confused, angry and bored.   I wanted my phone.   I wanted to call my husband so he could come to Detroit and rescue me.  I wanted to update my status so my friends weren’t freaking out.   Did I also want a lawyer?
Another female officer, this one in jeans and a t-shirt came to visit me.   She introduced herself as an agent – Homeland Security.   She removed my handcuffs and had me follow her to a different room down a long hall and through a few doors.   As we walked, I got a glimpse of the watch-stealer, a chubby middle-aged white guy with a buzz cut.   He didn’t look too different from some of the officers.
She led me to a small, white room where a man who introduced himself as an FBI agent was waiting for me. I sat on one of three chairs at a small metal table, and the female agent sat across from me.  They both offered me their badges for inspection, not that I would have known the difference, but they were calm and not pushy. I appreciated that.   The male agent proceeded to ask me a series of questions about where I had been, where I was going, about my family, if I had noticed any suspicious behavior on the plane.   The other agent took notes while I talked.   They asked if I knew the two men sitting next to me, and if I noticed them getting up during the flight or doing anything I would consider suspicious.
I told them no, and couldn’t remember how many times the men had gotten up, though I was sure they had both gone to the bathroom in succession at some point during the flight.
They had done some background check on me already because they knew I had been to Venezuela in 2001.   They asked about my brother and sister and asked about my foreign travel.   They asked what I did during the flight.   I told them I didn’t get up at all, read, slept and played on my phone (in airplane mode, don’t worry).   They asked about my education and wanted my address, Social Security, phone number, Facebook, Twitter, pretty much my whole life story.
Again, I asked what was going on, and the man said judging from their line of questioning that I could probably guess, but that someone on the plane had reported that the three of us in row 12 were conducting suspicious activity.   What is the likelihood that two Indian men who didn’t know each other and a dark-skinned woman of Arab/Jewish heritage would be on the same flight from Denver to Detroit?   Was that suspicion enough?   Even considering that we didn’t say a word to each other until it became clear there were cops following our plane?   Perhaps it was two Indian man going to the bathroom in succession?
He warned me that the last time an incident like this happened back in December, they had to interview everyone on the plane and no one got to go home for six hours.   It was going to be a long haul.
They asked me if I wanted to add anything that they hadn’t asked.   I said no.   Then they asked if I needed anything.   I said I needed a real bathroom, and the female officer, saying she didn’t blame me, offered to take me to the officers’ bathroom.   I must have peed straight for five minutes.
She walked me back to my cell, telling me it was for my own protection as they had brought in the rest of the passengers for questioning.   They would fetch my stuff from the plane and allow me to call my husband.   My cell had been occupied by the Indian man I had sat next to on the plane and in the squad car.   So I waited for them to move him to the second cell that was holding the watch stealer.   As I passed by the small window in that room I could see the watch stealer splayed out on the cot.   He appeared to be asleep.   I wondered where the Indian man would sit.
After fingerprinting me and asking me about my height/weight/place and date of birth and so on, a middle-aged white cop with a beer belly and a flat top returned me – without handcuffs – to the cell. I waited, wondering if I would be spending the night locked up.   I thought about the last words my husband said to me while I was still on the plane waiting on the tarmac, “They must have found out there was a Hebshi on the plane.”   We joke about this at times, that because of my ethnicity I am being scrutinized but I had no intention of putting that out to the universe and making it happen.
I thought about Malcom X and how bravely and fastidiously he studied and wrote while he was in prison, how his solitude enabled him to transform his anger into social change and personal betterment.   That’s when I decided to write this post.   I needed to explain what had happened – was happening – to me.   I was not going to be silent.   Still, I wondered what my rights were, and though I felt violated and scared I wasn’t sure that our new laws protected me from this treatment.
The female agent returned to my cell with my cell phone.   She wanted me to show her my tweets – that were simultaneously posted onto Facebook – I had composed while on the plane.   She joked that she didn’t even have a Facebook account.   She left for a few minutes then returned and allowed me to call my husband.   She said I would be released in a few minutes.
The sound of his voice brought me to tears, but I tried to remain calm.   I gave him a one-minute recap of my situation, which only left him confused.   I told him I would call him when I got to my car, which was parked in an airport lot.
I hung up the phone and followed the officer out of the cell and into another small room where the male FBI agent was waiting accompanied by another FBI agent – possibly the head honcho on duty.  He said the three of us were being released and there was nothing suspicious found on the plane.   He apologized for what had happened and thanked me for understanding and cooperating.  He said, “It’s 9/11 and people are seeing ghosts.   They are seeing things that aren’t there.”   He said they had to act on a report of suspicious behavior, and this is what the reaction looks like.
He said there had been 50 other similar incidents across the country that day.
I was led out another door and down a long hall where I gathered my bags, which had been removed from the plane and searched.   In the hallway I saw the other two men who had also been detained.   They seemed happy to be being released as well.   It felt strange to smile at them, and I didn’t know what to say, so I said nothing.
We walked outside of the building, and for the first time I saw that we were at the airport police station, which also doubled as the spot for the local Homeland Security office to reside – an office that didn’t exist 10 years ago.   It was starting to get dark.   But I still didn’t know what time it was.
Another officer drove me to my car in the airport parking lot.   As he plopped into the drivers seat and me into the passenger’s seat of the unmarked sedan, he apologized for not having air conditioning, but being a descendant of desert people I obviously didn’t mind the heat.   He asked me if I was OK to drive back to my home in Ohio, and I said I was, though I wasn’t sure I was.   I wasn’t sure how this would affect me.   I am still not sure.
All I know, is I probably won’t be flying again on Sept. 11.
In the aftermath of my events on Sept. 11, 2011, I feel violated, humiliated and sure that I was taken from the plane simply because of my appearance.   Though I never left my seat, spoke to anyone on the flight or tinkered with any “suspicious” device, I was forced into a situation where I was stripped of my freedom and liberty that so many of my fellow Americans purport are the foundations of this country and should be protected at any cost.
I believe in national security, but I also believe in peace and justice.   I believe in tolerance, acceptance and trying – as hard as it sometimes may be – not to judge a person by the color of their skin or the way they dress.   I admit to have fallen to the traps of convention and have made judgments about people that are unfounded.   We live in a complicated world that, to me, seems to have reached a breaking point.   The real test will be if we decide to break free from our fears and hatred and truly try to be good people who practice compassion – even toward those who hate.
I feel fortunate to have friends and family members who are sick over what happened to me.   I share their disgust.   But there was someone on that plane who felt threatened enough to alert the authorities.   This country has operated for the last 10 years through fear.   We’ve been a country at war and going bankrupt for much of this time.   What is the next step?
You can read more about the ordeal from this AP report: http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2011/sep/11/us-airline-passengers-detained/

Monday, August 15, 2011

Rise of the State - Prepare: Would U.S. riots develop to be the worst in the world ? (WARNING: video 43m43s)



4th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States: 


"The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized."
reference: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fourth_Amendment_to_the_United_States_Constitution
reference: http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/data/constitution/amendment04/


related, "Oath Keepers" at http://youtu.be/Zztaj2AFiy8 (video 9m12s)

Do you know what a "Fusion Center" is?  Do you know what VIPER teams are?  Are you on a watch list?  How would you know?  If you are, who put you on it and why?  Can you find out?
WARNING:  The video below may be disturbing ...RISE OF THE STATE.
Do you support the 2nd Amendment, do you support Ron Paul, are you Pro-Life, do you belong to a conservative Church, a Traditional American Values organization, support a 3rd party, are you a conspiracy theorist?  Conspiracy theory or fact.  Watch the video below.  If it's factual ...prepare. -- rfh

Would U.S. riots develop to be the worst in the world? By Thomas Steinmetz, Created 08/14/2011
Topic:  A U.S. Dollar collapse would make the United States a dangerous place.
Source:  'Don't Tread On Me'



video source: http://youtu.be/NYnUJejz_xQ (43m43s)

     In this article the author wrote that societies that benefited the most from the dollar would be the worst places to be when it fell apart. While the dollar has not even collapsed yet, the strain in these areas is becoming more apparent. England is number 3 on the list has had 4 days of violent riots as people start to lose it. Israel is number 1 on that list has had massive protests.   There is revolution in the air all over the world except in the US.
related: Regardless of his potential violations, observe an example --

Remember Waco?  Ruby Ridge?  Elián González?  Katrina?
"No one is bound to obey an unconstitutional law and no courts are bound to enforce it."
 -- Sixteenth American Jurisprudence Second Edition, Section 177

Wednesday, July 20, 2011

WARNING - VIPR Searches and the American Citizen: ‘Dominate. Intimidate. Control.’

By John W. Whitehead,  Rutherford Institute at: Rutherford.org,  July 5, 2011
article source: http://www.rutherford.org/articles_db/commentary.asp?record_id=718
“They’re trying to scare the pants off the American people that we need these things… Fear is a commodity and they’re selling it.  The more they can sell it, the more we buy into it.  When American people are afraid, they will accept anything.” – Kate Hanni, passengers’ rights advocate
“Uncontrolled search and seizure is one of the first and most effective weapons in the arsenal of every arbitrary government … Among deprivations of rights, none is so effective in cowing a population, crushing the spirit of the individual and putting terror in every heart.” –  Justice Robert Jackson, chief U.S. prosecutor at the Nuremberg Trials
John W. Whitehead - Rutherford Institute
     The transition to a police state will not come about with a dramatic coup d’etat, with battering rams and marauding militia.   As we have experienced first-hand in recent years, it will creep in softly, one violation at a time, until suddenly you find yourself being subjected to random patdowns and security sweeps during your morning commute to work or quick trip to the shopping mall.   Perhaps you have yet to experience the particular thrill, and I use that word loosely, of being manhandled by government agents, having your personal possessions pawed through, and your activities and associations scrutinized.   If so, not to worry.   It’s only a matter of time before more and more Americans will experience such a military task force knocking at their door.   Only, chances are that it won’t be a knock,  and they might not even be at home when government agents decide to “investigate” them.   Indeed, as increasing numbers of Americans are discovering, these so-called “soft target” security inspections are taking place whenever and wherever the government deems appropriate,  at random times and places,  and without needing the justification of a particular threat.   Worse, not only is this happening with the blessing of the Obama administration but at its urging.
     What I’m describing – something that was once limited to authoritarian regimes – is only possible thanks to an unofficial rewriting of the Fourth Amendment by the courts that essentially does away with any distinctions over what is “reasonable” when it comes to searches and seizures by government agents.   The rationale,  of course, is that anything is  “reasonable”  in the war on terrorism.   What the powers-that-be understand–and Americans remain oblivious to–is the fact that by constantly pushing the envelope and testing the limits of what Americans will tolerate,  the government is thus able to ratchet up the level of intrusiveness that Americans consider reasonable.
     The latest test of our tolerance comes from the Transportation Security Administration (TSA), the same agency that continues to make headlines with its intrusive airport searches of travelers.   Most recently,  for example,  TSA agents at a Florida airport forced a 95-year-old wheelchair-bound cancer patient to remove her adult diaper during the course of a security check.   This comes on the heels of numerous reports about travelers of all ages – most of whom clearly do not in any way fit the profile of a terrorist – being subjected to equally invasive searches and unreasonable demands by government agents,  what one journalist refers to as “ritualized humiliation of travelers.
     Now, thanks to TSA Chief John Pistole's determination to "take the TSA to the next level," there will soon be no place safe from the TSA's groping searches.   Only this time, the "ritualized humiliation" is being meted out by the serpentine-labeled Visible Intermodal Prevention and Response (VIPR) task forces, comprised of federal air marshals, surface transportation security inspectors, transportation security officers, behavior detection officers and explosive detection canine teams.   At a cost of $30 million in 2009, VIPR relies on 25 teams of agents, in addition to assistance from local law enforcement agencies as well as immigration agents.   And as a sign of where things are headed, Pistole, himself a former FBI agent, wants to turn the TSA into a "national-security, counterterrorism organization, fully integrated into U.S. government efforts."   To accomplish this, Pistole has requested funding for an additional 12 teams for fiscal year 2012, bringing VIPR's operating budget close to $110 million.
     VIPR is the first major step in the government's effort to secure so-called "soft" targets such as malls, stadiums, bridges, etc. In fact, some security experts predict that checkpoints and screening stations will eventually be established at all soft targets, such as department stores, restaurants, and schools.   Given the virtually limitless number of potential soft targets vulnerable to terrorist attack, subjection to intrusive pat-downs and full-body imaging will become an integral component of everyday life in the United States.   As Jim Harper of the Cato Institute observed, "The natural illogic of VIPR stings is that terrorism can strike anywhere, so VIPR teams should search anywhere."
     For now, under the pretext of protecting the nation's infrastructure (roads, mass transit systems, water and power supplies, telecommunications systems, and so on) against criminal or terrorist attacks, these VIPR teams are being deployed to do random security sweeps of nexuses of transportation, including ports, railway and bus stations, airports, ferries and subways.   VIPR teams are also being deployed to elevate the security presence at certain special events such as the Democratic National Convention.   Sweep tactics include the use of x-ray technology, pat-downs and drug-sniffing dogs, among other things.   Unfortunately, these sweeps are not confined to detecting terrorist activity.   Federal officials have admitted that transit screening is also intended, at least in some instances, to detect illegal immigration or even cash smuggling.
     Incredibly, in the absence of any viable threat, VIPR teams -- roving SWAT teams, with no need for a warrant -- have conducted 8,000 such searches in public places over the past year.   For example, in February 2011, a VIPR team conducted a raid at an Amtrak station in Georgia, not only patting down all passengers -- both adults and small children alike -- entering the station but also those departing.   In a characteristic display of incompetence, TSA agents co-opted the station and posted a sign on the door informing patrons that anyone who entered would be subject to mandatory screening (this, despite the fact that boarding passengers can easily bypass the station entirely and access the boarding area directly.)   One officer rummaged through a passenger's hand luggage and even smelled her perfume.   A vacationing firefighter roped into the search commented, "It was just not professional.   It was just weird...we are being harassed by the TSA."   In fact, when Amtrak Police Chief John O'Connor was informed of VIPR's activities, he "hit the ceiling" and banned VIPR personnel from entering Amtrak property.
     These raids, conducted at taxpayer expense on average Americans going about their normal, day-to-day business, run the gamut from the ridiculous to the abusive.   In Santa Fe, TSA agents were assigned to conduct searches at a high school prom.   At the port of Brownsville, in Texas, VIPR units searched all private and commercial vehicles entering and exiting the port.   Although the TSA admitted the search was not conducted in response to any specific threat, VIPR agents nonetheless engaged in "thorough" inspections of each and every vehicle.   In a training exercise in Atlanta, VIPR teams allegedly arrested a man after discovering a small amount of marijuana in his semi-trailer.   In San Diego, a VIPR investigation at a trolley station resulted in the deportation of three teenagers apprehended on their way to school.
     In April 2011, Homeland Security official Gary Milano stated that VIPR teams involved in a raid at a Tampa bus station, again conducted in the absence of any threat, were there "to sort of invent the wheel in advance in case we have to, if there ever is specific intelligence requiring us to be here.   This way us and our partners are ready to move in at a moment's notice."   He added, "We'll be back.   We won't say when we'll be back.   This way the bad guys are on notice we'll be back."
     Likewise, in an intimidating display of force in June 2011, VIPR conducted a vast training exercise -- that is, a military raid -- covering more than 5,000 square miles' worth of crucial infrastructure sites such as bridges, gas lines, and power plants between Ohio, West Virginia, and Kentucky.   The raid included members of 70 different agencies, over 400 state and federal agents, Black Hawk helicopters, fixed wing aircraft, and Coast Guard vessels.       Although the surveillance activities constituted an exercise rather than a response to an actual terrorist threat, the sweep was clearly calculated to produce a deterrent effect.   According to TSA official Michael Cleveland, the purpose of the exercise was to "have a visible presence and let people know we're out here. ...It can be a deterrent."
     The question that must be asked, of course, is who exactly is the TSA trying to target and intimidate?   Not would-be terrorists, given that scattershot pat-down stings are unlikely to apprehend or deter terrorists.   In light of the fact that average citizens are the ones receiving the brunt of the TSA's efforts, it stands to reason that we've become public enemy number one.   We are all suspects.   And how does the TSA deal with perceived threats?   Its motto, posted at the TSA's air marshal training center headquarters in the wake of 9/11, is particularly telling: "Dominate. Intimidate. Control." 
     Those three words effectively sum up the manner in which the government now relates to its citizens, making a travesty of every democratic ideal our representatives spout so glibly and reinforcing the specter of the police state.   After all, no government that truly respects or values its citizens would subject them to such intrusive, dehumanizing, demoralizing, suspicionless searches.   Yet by taking the TSA's airport screenings nationwide with VIPR and inserting the type of abusive authoritarianism already present in airports into countless other sectors of American life, the government is expanding the physical and psychological scope of the police state apparatus.
     VIPR activities epitomize exactly the kind of farcical security theater the government has come to favor through its use of coded color alerts and other largely superficial yet meaningless maneuvers.  These stings do, however, inculcate and condition citizens to a culture of submissiveness towards authority and regularize intrusive, suspicionless searches as a facet of everyday life.   In April, for instance, at a Tampa bus station, VIPR patted down passengers and used dogs to search the luggage.   That type of small-scale, random operation provides little actual value but does impart to some citizens a false sense of security.   A passenger in Tampa, for instance, commented, "I feel safe, knowing that I get on a bus and I'm not going to blow up."
     It's an ingenious plan: the incremental ratcheting-up of intrusive searches (VIPR searches are not yet widespread), combined with the gradual rollout of VIPR teams permits the normalization of TSA activities while inciting minimal resistance, thereby muting dissent and enabling the ultimate implementation of totalitarian-style authoritarianism.
     Sadly, this repeated degradation by government officials of Americans engaged in common activities inevitably normalizes what is essentially an abusive relationship to such an extent that authority figures are permitted to trample Americans' constitutional rights with impunity.   And those abused are prevented even from protesting.  Reinforcing this latter point is the TSA's recent admission that those who merely exercise their First Amendment rights by complaining about intrusive airport security exhibit a behavioral indicator of a "high risk" passenger that, in combination with other behavioral indicators, warrants additional screening.
     The expansion of the police state is also fueled by the dynamics present in the relationship between a politician and his constituents.   Popular anger over government policies is difficult to sustain for an extended period of time.   Outrage over the TSA scanners, for instance, will have substantially diminished by the time the next election cycle occurs.   Thus, in many cases, politicians have little incentive to roll back the national security apparatus. In the other direction, however, the incentives are substantial: a politician who dismantles portions of the police state risks being labeled soft on terrorism.   The trend, therefore, is to strike a politically cautious balance by incrementally expanding the national security bureaucracy, thereby avoiding inciting civil libertarian outrage.
     TSA and VIPR searches also indoctrinate children to accept pat-downs, full-body scans, and the like, as a regular component of the relationship between government and its citizens.   In this way, police state tactics will gradually grow in acceptance as simply "the way things are."   A child who has been molested by government officials since before he could read is unlikely to question such activities as an unjustified exercise of authority when an adult.
     Furthermore, the normalization of intrusive searches arguably reworks the content of the protections provided by the Constitution, particularly the Fourth Amendment.   Increasing use of pat-downs and other controversial screening procedures changes the definition of what is a "reasonable" search and seizure from a cultural perspective and therefore actually re-engineers the constitutional fabric by altering the definition of what is "reasonable" under the Fourth Amendment.
     The increasing deployment of VIPR teams, obviously, also drastically undermines the right to privacy.   There is both an intrinsic and instrumental value to privacy.   Intrinsically, privacy is precious to the extent that it is a component of liberty.   Part of citizenship in a free society is the expectation that one's personal affairs and physical person are inviolable so long as one remains within the law.   A robust conception of freedom includes the freedom from constant and intrusive government surveillance of one's life.   From this perspective, Fourth Amendment violations are objectionable for the simple fact that the government is doing something it has no license to do, i.e., invading the privacy of a law-abiding freeman by monitoring his daily activities and laying hands on his person without any evidence of wrongdoing.
     Privacy is also instrumental in nature.   This aspect of the right highlights the pernicious effects, rather than the inherent illegitimacy, of intrusive, suspicionless surveillance.   Encroachments on individual privacy undermine democratic institutions by chilling free speech.   When citizens -- especially those espousing unpopular viewpoints -- are aware that the intimate details of their personal lives are pervasively monitored by government, or even that they could be singled out for inferior treatment by government officials as a result of their First Amendment expressive activities, they are less likely to freely express their dissident views.   The chilling effect results from a host of government surveillance activities, including warrantless wiretapping and particularly the aggressive, Cointelpro-like tactics employed by the FBI.
     Countless other examples also illustrate the potential chilling effects of TSA activity.   For instance, when a group of peace protesters composed of high school students and Catholic priests and nuns were detained at an airport after showing up on a federal watch list, a sheriff's deputy, according to one member of the group, explained, "You're probably being stopped because you are a peace group and you're protesting against your country."
     There are other ramifications to the widespread implementation of these VIPR teams, not the least of which is the further solidifying of a security-industrial complex.   Political incentives inherent in the police state render it extremely difficult to dismantle the security bureaucracy once it has been implemented.   Vested interests impede political change: as the number of individuals employed by the TSA expands, by definition, so does the political constituency opposed to reducing the size of the security bureaucracy.   Like many constituencies that comprise the corporate state, TSA employees have a vested interest in ensuring the continuation and expansion of governmental programs from which they benefit directly, regardless of whether these programs effectively serve compelling national interests.
     Moreover, corporate lobbying exerts enormous pressure on the security bureaucracy to expand its activities and procure additional equipment and technology to aid in the so-called "war on terror."   The availability of vast sums of relatively unmonitored stimulus money encourages government expenditures on products backed by powerful lobbying groups but with little value from a national security perspective.   For instance, from mid-2009 through late 2010, $118 million in stimulus funds was used to purchase full-body scanners from Rapiscan, despite the scanners' questionable effectiveness.   Not coincidentally, Rapiscan is a former client of the consulting firm headed by Michael Chertoff, former head of the Department of Homeland Security.   Although Chertoff denies marketing Rapiscan's technology to the TSA, he has frequently advocated the adoption of security products that align with his investments.   Chertoff, however, is not an isolated player: the corporate-governmental partnership in Washington centered on the growth of the national security state thrives on a revolving door of governmental officials/lobbyists who barter contracts and favors without regard to their actions' effect on national security.
     This brings me back to VIPR, whose deployments at present are essentially expansions of the procedures implemented by the TSA in airports nationwide.   Because the number of potential soft targets is limitless and VIPR's funding is relatively constrained at present, the effects of VIPR have not yet been noticed by the vast majority of Americans.   However, the consequences should not be dismissed lightly.
     The goal of VIPR is to have an omnipresent anti-terrorist force deployed at every moderate or high-density site: malls, stadiums, restaurants, grocery stores and so on.   Expanding VIPR to its logical conclusion necessitates a police state.   Additionally, VIPR, by expanding intrusive searches beyond the spatially circumscribed confines of airports, regularizes abusive behavior by government officials and inculcates submissiveness and subservience on the part of the average citizen. 
     In effect, VIPR paves the way psychologically for the implementation of totalitarian apparatuses of control.   Furthermore, by entrenching frequent, intrusive searches in the American mindset as an unquestioned component of everyday life, programs like VIPR actually serve to reduce the level of protection afforded citizens by the Constitution.   And once VIPR has accrued a sufficient bureaucracy, it will be virtually impossible to eradicate.

Constitutional attorney and author John W. Whitehead is founder and president of The Rutherford Institute. His new book The Freedom Wars (TRI Press) is available online at www.amazon.com.  Click here to contact: John Whitehead
A shorter version of this commentary is available here.


P.S. 
     Above the posts here on my blog and at http://harrold.org/rfhextra/contact_the_US_government.html is a list of phone and fax numbers to the Senate, House of Representatives, the White House, Federal Agencies, and to the '4th Estate', the Media.  It's easy, take just a few minutes and let the government know your position on losing your 1st and 4th Amendment Rights as the result of this "crisis" mis-management.

The Fourth Amendment (Amendment IV) to the United States Constitution is the part of the Bill of Rights which guards against unreasonable searches and seizures. The amendment specifically also requires search and arrest warrants be judicially sanctioned and supported by probable cause. It was adopted as a response to the abuse of the writ of assistance, which is a type of general search warrant, in the American Revolution. Search and arrest should be limited in scope according to specific information supplied to the issuing court, usually by a law enforcement officer, who has sworn by it.
In Mapp v. Ohio367 U.S. 643 (1961), the Supreme Court ruled that the Fourth Amendment applies to the states by way of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The Supreme Court has also ruled that certain searches and seizures violated the Fourth Amendment even when a warrant was properly granted.
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searchesand seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

Some excerpts from Wikipedia reference re 4th Amendment: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fourth_Amendment_to_the_United_States_Constitution


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